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11月9号星期一,是黄仁勋承认出轨之后美股第一次开盘。股价会怎么走?没人知道。
11月8号,黄仁勋给全体员工发了封信,257个字。
"我欠我的家人以及你们所有人一个道歉。"婚外情是真的,"我对妻子不忠,没有任何借口。"
同一天,英伟达董事会宣布,聘请外部律师成立独立委员会,调查他。
10月29号《纽约时报》第一天把这事捅出来,辉达股价当天大跌约3%。11月9号星期一,是他认了之后美股第一次开盘。
女主角叫黄乐,Alex Huang,中国籍女商人。黄仁勋的信里没提她的名字,但全世界都知道是她。美国情报部门认定,她是中国国安部招募的间谍,任务就是接近黄仁勋。
两次同框,全在台北。
2024年6月某天晚上,黄仁勋在台北一家酒吧跟辉达几个亚洲重要客户喝酒庆祝,一家叫Night Thunder的公司把当晚照片贴上LinkedIn,黄乐就坐在他身旁。那时她的身份是新加坡数据中心公司MSPEED的高层主管,声称接下来一年要买进20亿美元的辉达AI设备。
2025年5月,电脑展期间,黄仁勋在台北跟几家AI供应商吃饭,走出餐厅接受台湾媒体采访,摄影机拍到他身后的人又是黄乐。两个人都姓黄,没有任何亲戚关系。
《纽约时报》2025年10月就报过这两张照片,那时候大家只关心芯片走私,没人知道美国情报部门已经在监控这个人了。
黄乐的履历写得很漂亮:在中国一个私募基金资料库上,她穿红色洋装笑得很灿烂,标识是"上海核西投资"基金经理兼执行董事。简历说她在湖南卫视和央视新闻当过大约4年记者,后来在金融业做了8年,当过汇丰私人银行部门主管的副助理,做过中信证券证券业务的副总裁。
《纽约邮报》去问湖南卫视,一个主管回答:"从来没有听说过这个人。"湖南卫视和央视的网站上,也查不到用她名字署名的记者文章。
她对外自称MSPEED的执行长,公司文件显示,她只在公司成立后的前8个月挂名过董事总经理,之后名字就被拿掉了。
《纽约时报》访问了熟悉MSPEED的科技业投资人,他们说黄乐和她的合作伙伴经常向人炫耀她和黄仁勋的关系,拿这层关系去招揽投资。她自己的私人社群账号也贴过黄仁勋的照片。
再看芯片。MSPEED总部在新加坡,生意是在东南亚盖数据中心,把AI算力租出去。《纽约时报》拿到的海关记录显示,2024年6月到2026年2月,MSPEED在马来西亚的关系企业一共买了至少数亿美元装有辉达芯片的先进AI设备,其中很大一部分是通过中国服务器大厂浪潮在美国的子公司买的。浪潮母公司因为帮中国军方打造超级电脑,早就被美国放进出口管制黑名单,它在美子公司却没有被制裁。
按MSPEED的说法,芯片实体没有进入中国,中国公司只是从远端租用算力。按现在的规矩,这种做法本身不一定违法,也是美国出口管制到今天没补上的一个漏洞。但如果MSPEED其实是替中国企业代买芯片或者偷运进中国,那就犯法了。
2024年9月,美国商务部的官员去查它在马来西亚的机房,发现很多昂贵的辉达设备还装在箱子里,根本没拆开。懂行的都明白,先把设备摆出来让检查的人看一看,等人走了再运到别的地方。
还有一组数据更离谱:到2025年11月为止,MSPEED一共进口了大约136,000颗辉达GPU。辉达自己派审计人员去查数据中心,只找到几千颗最新款的芯片。《纽约时报》记者跑去它在新加坡的办公室,一个平时的工作日里竟然只有两个员工,根本就是一个空壳公司。
新加坡警方已经证实正在调查这家公司,美国商务部的调查也已经移交司法部。辉达的说法一直没变,说这些违规运送的指控去年就已经彻底调查过,证实不成立。
10月29号《纽约时报》报道还引述听过绝密简报的人说,美国情报部门已经认定黄乐是中国情报资产,一直在替北京传递资讯。而且特朗普去年就看到过这份简报。解释是,特朗普一直不想影响辉达的芯片销售,因为辉达撑着股市和经济,他也不想让美中关系变得更复杂。
报道还说,黄仁勋到那天为止从来没有收到过所谓的"防务性简报",就是美国情报部门发现本国公民被外国间谍盯上时,会去当面提醒当事人的一种警告。不过《纽约时报》这么讲,也可能是黑特朗普,不排除特朗普当面就提醒过他。
报道出来的当天,黄仁勋在彭博访问里回应了。他说辉达跟MSPEED的高层没有任何不当,公司已经查过了,MSPEED没有把辉达的AI处理器非法运到中国。原话是:"我们核查过他们部署的所有GPU,每一个都清点过了。"
10月31号,《华尔街日报》报道,美国、新加坡和台湾三个地方的情报单位都曾经有理由相信黄乐可能就是中国间谍。
几天之后,国会正式出手。众议院外交委员会主席、美中战略竞争特别委员会主席和情报委员会主席,三位共和党主席联名写信给黄仁勋。信是11月4号写的,5号公开。信里把黄乐称为公开报道当中的"中国情报资产",要求黄仁勋11月18号到三个委员会联合举行的闭门简报,说明他跟黄乐之间的往来,以及辉达有什么安全机制能防止外国敌手的间谍活动,而且他必须在11月11号之前答复到底接不接受。信里还有一句:"国会必须弄清楚美国国家安全到底被置于多大的危险之中。"
11月18号的前一天,正好是辉达公布第三季财报的日子。还有一个背景:11月3号美国刚刚举行中期选举,民主党同时拿下了参众两院,明年1月新国会就要上任,这三个委员会的主席都会换成民主党人。现在发信的是共和党人,明年接手的是民主党人,这件事在国会里是两党都要追到底的。
11月6号,《纽约时报》正式报道,特朗普政府的秘密简报里说黄乐是中共国安部的特工,她有两层任务:一层是探听AI芯片的细节,另外是推动辉达去说服美国政府开放芯片给中国。报道还说,黄乐人脉很广,除了黄仁勋,还包括台湾技嘉的高层,背后连着一个以上海和浙江为中心的企业和投资人网络。
同一天,英国《金融时报》也接着报道,美国政府相信黄仁勋跟黄乐之间是恋爱关系。这份备忘录在特朗普去北京见习近平之前,就已经在美国政府一小群高层当中传开。鲁比奥在特朗普今年5月访问北京之前也警告过政府高层,说黄仁勋跟一个中国间谍关系密切。这份备忘录是今年春天在鲁比奥的督导下起草的,列为高度机密,根据是情报机构对黄乐的电子监控,在特朗普出访之前分发给一批有高层级安全许可的官员。
特朗普在北京,一开始受邀随行的企业和科技大佬当中并没有黄仁勋。后来报道说,特朗普知道黄仁勋没被邀请之后,亲自打电话给黄仁勋,黄仁勋当时飞到阿拉斯加,在总统专机中途停留的时候登机。
《金融时报》还报道,美国的国安官员私下对黄仁勋早就有所不满,因为他今年早些时候曾经亲自游说特朗普,想让辉达的H200芯片卖给中国。
出轨放在一般人身上是私事,公众本来不该多管。黄仁勋的太太到现在都没公开说过什么,外人没有立场说三道四。但麻烦就在他出轨的对象是一个被美国情报机构认定为中共间谍的人,这样一来就牵扯到广大股东的权益,也变成了一个公众有权力追问的国家安全问题。
中共外交部说这是捕风捉影,胡锡进说这是谍战小说。这话从中共嘴里说出来有点搞笑,中国人自己最懂这一套,《三十六计》里第31计就叫美人计,连小学生都知道。同一个国家安全部自己的微信公众号这两年就经常发文章,提醒中国的公务员、科研人员要小心外国间谍,还有不少案例说是以交朋友、谈感情的方式把人拉下水。国安部自己的宣传里这种手法都是真实存在的,而且是很常见的威胁,怎么到了美国报道中国用同样的方法就变成捕风捉影了?
再往深想一层:这件事闹到今天,有一部分是老黄自己得罪了美国鹰派的下场。翻他过去这两年的讲话,几乎每一句话都踩在华府国安圈的痛点上。去年台北电脑展,他公开说美国对中国的出口管制是失败的;同年9月上一个播客节目,指华府那些对中国强硬的人,说他们是"中国鹰派",把这个标签当作耻辱。
《金融时报》报道美国国安官员私下对他早有不满。你站在情报机构、国安会、国务卿这些天天把中国当成头号对手的人的角度看,这个人在总统面前讲的话跟他们的判断几乎从来都是相反的,偏偏总统每次都听他的。美国政府里每个部门的立场取决于他坐在哪个位置上,一个国家的决策也常常是各个部门相互博弈出来的结果。顺着这个思路往下想,泄密就是角力当中最常用的武器。
一份列为高度机密的备忘录,在中期选举前一个星期开始一段一段地出现在《纽约时报》、《金融时报》和《华尔街日报》上,你很难说这是巧合。大概率就是美国政府里面有人觉得正常渠道管不了特朗普,那就让媒体和国会来管这件事。不过就算消息是真的、真的是鹰派放出来的,放消息的动机也改变不了消息内容本身,就是黄仁勋自己已经承认了婚外情,跟中国间谍的婚外情,这一点跟谁放出消息没有关系。
黄仁勋那封257字的信,最后特别强调自己"致力于保护辉达,支持美国国家安全"。这句话就是向美国的鹰派投降。
彭博社形容,这是辉达成立30年来从来没有碰到过的危机。黄仁勋1993年创立辉达,30年来只有他一个执行长,个人持有大约8.7亿股,占公司3.58%。辉达年报多年来都写着"公司依赖高层领导",到今天为止公司还没有出现过任何一个接班人。
他暂时不会下台,但经过这件事,他在华府的影响力大不如前。先进芯片能不能卖给中国,本来是由美国政府的出口许可决定的,跟他一个人说了算没有关系。可是他过去主张放宽的说法,一旦被认为可能受到情感的影响,可信度就打大折扣,结果反而让主张收紧的人多了一个最有力的理由,原本讨论当中的放宽方案也会更难过关。
11月17号辉达公布第三季财报,到时候分析师会不会在电话上问这件事,他到底要怎么回答?董事会的独立调查会查到什么程度?MSPEED那边美国司法部和新加坡警方的调查会不会有结果?黄乐本人会不会露面?
13.6万颗GPU,账上找得到,机房里找不到。他认了257个字,剩下的十几万颗芯片,还没人认账。

Saved translation · en

Monday, November 9, is the first US stock market opening since Jensen Huang admitted to having an affair. How will the stock price move? Nobody knows.
On November 8, Jensen Huang sent a letter to all employees, 257 words long.
"I owe my family and all of you an apology." The extramarital affair is true, "I was unfaithful to my wife, there is no excuse."
On the same day, the Nvidia board announced it has hired outside lawyers to establish an independent committee to investigate him.
On October 29, The New York Times first broke this story, and Nvidia's stock price plunged about 3% that day. Monday, November 9, is the first US market opening after he admitted it.
The female lead is named Huang Le, Alex Huang, a Chinese businesswoman. Jensen Huang's letter did not mention her name, but the whole world knows it is her. US intelligence agencies have determined that she is a spy recruited by China's Ministry of State Security, and her mission was to get close to Jensen Huang.
Two appearances together, both in Taipei.
One night on a certain day in June 2024, Jensen Huang was drinking and celebrating with several important Asian clients of Nvidia at a bar in Taipei; a company called Night Thunder posted photos of that night on LinkedIn, and Huang Le was sitting beside him. At that time, her identity was a senior executive at the Singaporean data center company MSPEED, claiming that she would buy 2 billion USD worth of Nvidia AI equipment over the next year.
In May 2025, during the computer show, Jensen Huang had dinner with several AI suppliers in Taipei; as he walked out of the restaurant and accepted an interview with Taiwanese media, the camera captured the person behind him was again Huang Le. Both are surnamed Huang, but they have no family relationship.
The New York Times reported on these two photos back in October 2025; at that time, everyone only cared about chip smuggling, and nobody knew that US intelligence agencies were already monitoring this person.
Huang Le's resume is written very beautifully: in a Chinese private equity database, she is smiling brilliantly in a red dress, identified as a fund manager and executive director of the "Shanghai Hexi Investment" fund. The resume says she served as a reporter for Hunan TV and CCTV News for about 4 years, and later worked in the financial industry for 8 years, serving as a deputy assistant to a head of HSBC's private banking department and a vice president of securities business at CITIC Securities.
The New York Post asked Hunan TV, and an executive replied: "Never heard of this person." On the websites of Hunan TV and CCTV, no reporter articles signed with her name can be found.
Externally, she calls herself the CEO of MSPEED; company documents show that she was only listed as Managing Director for the first 8 months after the company's founding, after which her name was removed.
The New York Times interviewed tech industry investors familiar with MSPEED, who said Huang Le and her partners often bragged to people about her relationship with Jensen Huang, using this relationship to attract investment. Her own private social media accounts also posted photos of Jensen Huang.
Now look at the chips. MSPEED is headquartered in Singapore, and its business is building data centers in Southeast Asia and renting out AI computing power. Customs records obtained by The New York Times show that from June 2024 to February 2026, MSPEED's affiliated companies in Malaysia bought a total of at least several hundred million USD worth of advanced AI equipment containing Nvidia chips, a large portion of which was bought through a US subsidiary of Inspur, a major Chinese server manufacturer. Inspur's parent company had long been placed on the US export control blacklist for building supercomputers for the Chinese military, but its US subsidiary was not sanctioned.
According to MSPEED's claim, the chip entities did not enter China; Chinese companies only rented computing power remotely. According to current rules, this practice itself is not necessarily illegal and is a loophole that US export controls have not plugged to this day. But if MSPEED was actually buying chips on behalf of Chinese enterprises or smuggling them into China, then it is illegal.
In September 2024, US Department of Commerce officials checked its server room in Malaysia and found many expensive Nvidia devices still in boxes, not opened at all. Those in the know understand that you first put out the equipment for the inspectors to see, and then move it elsewhere after they leave.
There is another set of data that is even more absurd: up until November 2025, MSPEED imported a total of approximately 136,000 Nvidia GPUs. Nvidia sent its own auditors to check the data center and only found a few thousand of the latest chips. A New York Times reporter went to its office in Singapore, and on a normal working day, there were actually only two employees; it is simply a shell company.
Singaporean police have already confirmed they are investigating this company, and the US Department of Commerce investigation has also been transferred to the Department of Justice. Nvidia's statement has remained unchanged, saying that these allegations of illegal shipping were thoroughly investigated last year and proven unfounded.
The October 29 New York Times report also cited people who had heard top-secret briefings saying that US intelligence agencies have already identified Huang Le as a Chinese intelligence asset, constantly passing information for Beijing. Moreover, Trump had already seen this briefing last year. The explanation is that Trump did not want to affect Nvidia's chip sales because Nvidia supports the stock market and economy, and he also did not want to make US-China relations more complicated.
The report also said that until that day, Jensen Huang had never received a so-called "defensive briefing," which is a type of warning where US intelligence agencies face-to-face notify a citizen when they discover they are being targeted by foreign spies. However, The New York Times saying this might also be to blacken Trump; it cannot be ruled out that Trump reminded him face-to-face.
On the day the report came out, Jensen Huang responded in a Bloomberg interview. He said there was nothing improper between Nvidia and MSPEED executives, the company had already checked, and MSPEED did not illegally ship Nvidia's AI processors to China. His original words were: "We have verified all the GPUs they have deployed; every single one has been counted."
On October 31, The Wall Street Journal reported that intelligence units in three places—the US, Singapore, and Taiwan—all had reason to believe Huang Le might be a Chinese spy.
A few days later, Congress officially stepped in. The Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, the Chairman of the Select Committee on the Strategic Competition Between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party, and the Chairman of the Intelligence Committee—three Republican chairs—jointly wrote a letter to Jensen Huang. The letter was written on November 4 and made public on the 5th. The letter referred to Huang Le as the "Chinese intelligence asset" in the public reports and required Jensen Huang to attend a closed-door briefing jointly held by the three committees on November 18 to explain his dealings with Huang Le and what security mechanisms Nvidia has to prevent foreign adversary espionage, and he must reply by November 11 on whether he accepts. There was also a sentence in the letter: "Congress must determine to what extent US national security has been placed in danger."
The day before November 18 happens to be the day Nvidia announces its third-quarter financial report. There is another background: on November 3, the US just held midterm elections, with the Democrats taking both the Senate and the House simultaneously; the new Congress will take office in January next year, and the chairs of these three committees will all change to Democrats. Those sending the letter now are Republicans, and those taking over next year are Democrats; both parties in Congress intend to pursue this matter to the end.
On November 6, The New York Times officially reported that secret briefings from the Trump administration said Huang Le is an agent of the CCP's Ministry of State Security, with two layers of missions: one is to probe details of AI chips, and the other is to push Nvidia to persuade the US government to open chips to China. The report also said that Huang Le has wide connections, including not only Jensen Huang but also senior executives at Gigabyte in Taiwan, linked to a network of enterprises and investors centered in Shanghai and Zhejiang.
On the same day, the British Financial Times also followed up with a report, stating that the US government believes there was a romantic relationship between Jensen Huang and Huang Le. This memorandum had already spread among a small group of high-level US government officials before Trump went to Beijing to meet Xi Jinping. Rubio had also warned top government officials before Trump's visit to Beijing this May, saying Jensen Huang was closely related to a Chinese spy. This memorandum was drafted this spring under Rubio's supervision and listed as top secret, based on intelligence agencies' electronic surveillance of Huang Le, and was distributed to a group of officials with high-level security clearances before Trump's visit.
When Trump was in Beijing, Jensen Huang was not initially among the invited accompanying business and tech moguls. Later reports said that after Trump knew Jensen Huang was not invited, he personally called Jensen Huang; Jensen Huang then flew to Alaska and boarded the plane during the presidential aircraft's layover.
The Financial Times also reported that US national security officials had long been privately dissatisfied with Jensen Huang because he had personally lobbied Trump earlier this year, wanting Nvidia's H200 chips to be sold to China.
An affair for an ordinary person is a private matter, and the public should not normally interfere. Jensen Huang's wife has not said anything publicly to this day; outsiders have no standing to gossip. But the trouble is that the object of his affair is someone identified by US intelligence agencies as a CCP spy; in this way, it involves the interests of a vast number of shareholders and becomes a national security issue that the public has the right to question.
The CCP Foreign Ministry said this is groundless speculation, and Hu Xijin said this is a spy novel. These words coming from the CCP's mouth are a bit funny; Chinese people themselves understand this best, the 31st stratagem in the "Thirty-Six Stratagems" is called the Honey Trap, even primary school students know this. The official WeChat account of the same Ministry of State Security has frequently published articles in the last two years reminding Chinese civil servants and researchers to be careful of foreign spies, with many cases saying people were dragged down through methods of making friends or discussing feelings. In the State Security Ministry's own publicity, such methods truly exist and are very common threats; how is it that when US reports say China uses the same method, it becomes groundless speculation?
Thinking one layer deeper: that this matter has escalated to this point is partly the consequence of Old Huang offending the US hawks. Looking through his speeches over the past two years, almost every sentence steps on the pain points of the DC national security circle. At last year's Taipei computer show, he publicly said that US export controls on China were a failure; in a podcast program in September of the same year, pointing to those in DC who are tough on China, he called them "China hawks," using this label as a mark of shame.
The Financial Times reported that US national security officials were privately dissatisfied with him long ago. If you look from the perspective of intelligence agencies, the National Security Council, and the Secretary of State—people who treat China as the number one adversary every day—what this man says in front of the president is almost always the opposite of their judgement, and yet the president always listens to him. The position of every department in the US government depends on which seat he is sitting in, and a country's decision is often the result of mutual gaming between various departments. Following this train of thought, leaking is the most commonly used weapon in power struggles.
A memorandum listed as top secret begins to appear paragraph by paragraph in The New York Times, Financial Times, and Wall Street Journal one week before the midterm elections; it is hard to say this is a coincidence. High probability is that someone inside the US government felt that normal channels could not manage Trump, so they let the media and Congress manage this matter. However, even if the information is true and was truly released by hawks, the motive for releasing the information cannot change the content of the information itself: Jensen Huang himself has already admitted to an extramarital affair, an extramarital affair with a Chinese spy; this point has nothing to do with who released the information.
In that 257-word letter, Jensen Huang specially emphasized at the end that he is "committed to protecting Nvidia and supporting US national security." This sentence is a surrender to the US hawks.
Bloomberg describes this as a crisis that Nvidia has never encountered in its 30 years of founding. Jensen Huang founded Nvidia in 1993; for 30 years, he has been the only CEO, personally holding about 870 million shares, accounting for 3.58% of the company. Nvidia's annual reports have written for many years that "the company relies on senior leadership," and up to today, the company has not had any successor.
He will not step down for the time being, but after this incident, his influence in DC is much less than before. Whether advanced chips can be sold to China was originally decided by US government export licenses, and had nothing to do with him having the final say. However, his past advocacy for easing restrictions, once considered possibly influenced by emotion, has its credibility greatly discounted; as a result, it conversely gives those advocating for tightening the most powerful reason, and the easing plans originally under discussion will also be harder to pass.
On November 17, Nvidia will announce its third-quarter financial report; will analysts ask about this on the call at that time, and how exactly will he answer? To what extent will the board's independent investigation go? Will the investigations by the US Department of Justice and Singaporean police on MSPEED have results? Will Huang Le herself appear?
136,000 GPUs, found on the books, not found in the server rooms. He admitted to 257 words; for the remaining hundred thousand or so chips, nobody has taken account yet.

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